100 Years, 100 Objects: Stories from the Collections of Lancaster City Museums

“Come back with us to 1906, and walk with the working people of Lancaster as we chat to Professor Imogen Tyler about this postcard which shows a labour demonstration in Dalton Square. Find out about unions, working conditions, and Williamson’s ‘War on Workers’. ” PODCAST HERE

It was great chatting to Rachel Roberts from Lancaster Museums Service about an object in their collection – a postcard from 1906, sent by a carriage-maker to his daughter, a teenage mill-worker, in hospital. The postcard depicts a labour demonstration outside Dalton Square, (while the new Town Hall and square, funded by industrialist Lord Ashton, was under construction). In my conversation with Rachel, I explore what this object tells us about working class lives in Lancaster at the turn of the 20th Century, why Lancaster was known for the marked absence of union participation, labour organising, and the seeming passivity of its labour force, and what this rare labour demonstration symbolised, in terms of the then newly formed national Labour Party, as well as local political conditions. For more on working class lives in Lancaster in this period, do look at the fantastic Elizabeth Roberts Oral History Archive (which I draw on in this podcast episode).

When I was researching the history of this postcard for Lancaster Museums Service, I eventually found a contemporary account of the demonstration in the Lancaster Standard and County Advertiser – Friday 6^th July 1906, which I have posted below.

LABOUR DAY. WORKMEN’S DEMONSTRATION AT LANCASTER. SPEECHES BY LABOUR M.P.’S.

‘The Labour Party in Lancaster made themselves seen and heard last week-end. They arranged a beginning with a in meeting the Co-operative Hall on Friday night, and on Saturday combining a big demonstration with an open-air meeting, following up with a concluding meeting in the Town Hall Square at night.

THE INSIDE MEETING.

The meeting in the Co-operative Hall on Friday night was presided over by Mr. Henry Jemmison, President of the Trades Council. He was supported by Mr. G. N. Barnes,M.P., Blackfriars Division, Glasgow, general secretary of the Engineers’ Society: Mr. J. R. Clynes M.P., North-East. Manchester, secretary of the Gasworkers and General Labourers’ Union; Mrs. Clynes, Miss Lee (Oldham), Rev. J. H. Hastings. Messrs. W. S. Fort, A. E. Harrison, W. Wall, Rogers, J.Shaw, E. Willan. L. J. Caffrey (Oldham). 

The Chairman, speaking locally, said they had not been very united in the past but they hoped for better things in the future. The Labour members had only to be seen and heard to be appreciated, but they had not sent one for Lancaster yet—(voices: “We will do.”) It meant a lot of work first, and before they accomplished it they would have to send representatives to their local institutions  – (hear, hear). The resolution he had to submit was “That this meeting rejoices at the success of the National Labour Party at the General Election, and congratulates its representatives on the useful work already accomplished in the interested of the workers, and pledges itself to secure the return of Labour members entirely independent of the old political parties on all public bodies both local and national.”

If they wanted their interests attending to, they would have to send those to represent them whose private interests did not prevent them doing that work. They could not expect large employers who were selected to represent them to damage their own interests in looking after theirs, and it came to this, if they were going to get higher wages or shorter hours there was going to be less profit for somebody. Those who were making big profits would stick to them. They might just tickle them now and then, but that was as far as they would go.

Mr. Rogers (Typographical Society) seconded the resolution. 

TRADES UNION BENEFITS

Mr. Barnes, M.P. speaking in support of the resolution, said he understood that that was the first grand marshalling of the forces of industrial democracy in Lancaster. He hoped it would be by no means the last. He did not know why it should be possible to call meetings like that to convince people of the necessity of trades unionism. To his mind the need for it was self-evident to any man of ordinary common sense that it ought not to require anyone to convene meetings to convince them of it at all. He found it going up and down the country that it was in proportion as men and women were organised in trades unionism that he found conditions of labour relatively good, wages fairly high, and hours of labour fairly low as things went. Those people who were not organised were at the back and call of employers, and compelled to take whatever conditions were offered them. They would find the municipal authorities busy improving the housing conditions of the people, and municipal tramways and gas undertakings. Wherever that had taken place in nine cases out of ten the educational work that had culminated in these things being done had been begun in the trades union branch, or at the street corners by men who were trades unionists.

He dissociated himself from the observations made by the Chairman, who said that in his opinion they could not have better wages, and better conditions without lessening someone’s profits. That might appear to be so at first sight, but he put it to them that workpeople could not only increase their wages, but by being made more productive in consequence of being made more proficient, be benefited without detriment to anyone.  

RESTRICTIONS OF OUTPUT

They were sometimes told they were endeavouring to restrict output. That was another formidable indictment. To some extent he was willing to admit it was quite true. If people simply regarded them as wealth-producing machines, as producers of profit for millionaires, or other people making profit out of them, if the idea were simply that they should work for all the time and have no time for anything in the way of thought or recreation, he was afraid the charge brought against them was absolutely true – (hear, hear). But they did not regard life in that way at all, and what they said was that leisure should be increased in proportion as methods were introduced, that people should have less hours of labour, greater opportunities for thought and recreation, and from that point of view it might be true they wanted to restrict output, but in no other sense was it true. They were not in favour of skulking, but of every man doing a fair day’s work, and after the day’s work was done, associating himself with his fellows in improving their conditions and adding to the general welfare of the community. They asked them to help in making the trades unions of the district stronger than ever they had been. He was told that only about half of the men engaged in the engineering industry in Lancaster were enrolled in their trade union, and about one-tenth of the unskilled labour was enrolled in the Labourer’s Union. He took it upon himself to say that every engineer throughout the length and breadth of the land was receiving 5s. per week more that he otherwise would get in the absence of a good strong organisation to back up his interests. The man who wanted his individual liberty should have the honesty to return that five bob to his employer, or the union which got it for him. 

The Labour party had gone to the House of Commons definitely pledged to have an alliance neither with Liberalism or Toryism, but to stand for Labour all the time independent of any political combination. They had been in the House five months, and it might be thought they had not done much to justify their existence. They had set the pace to the Liberal Government, and had induced the, he would not put it any stronger, to do certain things that would not have been done but for their presence there – (cheers).

TOO POOR TO PAY

Mr. Clynes, M. P., said the working classes in Lancaster had not been strongly organised in trades unionism. It was a pleasure to find that quite recently there had been a great improvement in the trade union spirit of the town. If Lancaster did not respond in the way it ought, the chances were that the heads of the Labour movement would be compelled to devote their energies to places where ethe harvest might be greater after efforts had been made. There were a great many men taking only a luke-warm interest in their Trades Council, and many taking no interest as all. Since he came into Lancashire he made the unusual inquiry as to how things were going on. He wanted to know whether, in the absence of trades unionism, labourers made any headway.  The only answer he was able to get was that it was the “same old pound and three-pence”. There had been no alteration. There had been some progress outside Lancaster. Throughout the country recently the tendency had been in the direction of advances in wages, ad improved industrial conditions. What he wanted to know was how it was that intelligent labourers in Lancaster had not concerned themselves in this feature of important progress to them. He was told there were some labourers in Lancaster who did not pay to trades unions because they said they could not afford to pay. It was just the men who said they could not afford to pay who could not afford to refuse to pay. No man who was receiving a poor wage, who was doing hard work and had cause for discontent, could ay he could not afford to pay a trades union. He was just the man who was most in need or trades unions support, whom one could most reasonably call upon to make some sacrifice that might be needed in order to support the trade union movement. The trades union work results stood as its justification. It was now a recognised national force, and within the past few years they had seen it take on to itself the additional work of sharing in the public life of the nation. 

Referring to the Education Bill, Mr. Clynes said it was not an Education Bill, but a Sectarian Disputes Bill. The blame should rest upon the people. The Bill was as good as the Government could be expected to make it. It was as good as the people were prepared to ask for. To-day the thing was to get on, and getting on meant leaving behind the religion they had been taught. It meant that they could not live up to those teachings if they were going to get on. That was why they wanted to moderate the intense struggle for a living, then there ought to be no struggle at all. They did not believe the Liberals or Tories intended to make great alterations. The Labour party intended to force the pace of legislation so that a session should leave some effect behind in – (applause).

A vote of thanks was accorded the speakers and chairman, on the motion of Mr. J. Shaw, president of the Engineers’ Society. Seconded by Mr. W. Wall, of the Railway Servants’ Union. 

THE DEMONSTRATION

Saturday was the most important day. It included a great open-air demonstration, marshalled in Dalton Square. The Halton Brass Band took the lead, and following it were the speakers and officials, and following these again were the rank and file of the labour movement. Three very fine banners lent colour to the procession. The Rev. J. H. Hastings, the Rector of Halton, walked with the leaders of the movement. To the strains of the band the procession marched through the town to Skerton, where in a field an open-air meeting was held. Just before the time for the meeting Mr. Helme, M.P., drove by in his carriage with Mrs. Helms and his family. 

Mr A. E. Harrison, secretary of the Trades Council, presided, supported by Mr. G. J. Wardle, M.P. for Stockport; Mr. W. C. Anderson (London), organiser of the Shop Assistants’ Unions; Mr. C. Kinggate (Manchester), general president of the U.K.S. Coachmakers; Mr. A. A. Purcell, general secretary Amalgamated Society of French Polishers; the Rev. J. H. Hastings, M. A., rector of Halton; Mr. H. Jemmison, president of Lancaster Trades Council; and Mr. Hodkinson. 

The resolution passed at Friday’s meeting was moved by Mr. Purcell. Referring to the Education Bill he said that many of them thought it one of the old red herrings drawn across the track. The working classes ought to see to it that it was not used as a bar to their obtaining reforms. The only people who would benefit by it were the contending sects. 

Mr Kinggate seconded. He was pleased to see that the trades unionists had come to recognise that it was only by representation in Parliament that they would be able to achieve the objects they had in view. Politics had been too long tabooed.

Mr. Wardle, M.P., in supporting the resolution said the trades union movement, instead of being weaker in consequence of its entrance into politics, was immensely strengthened. Although the Labour members had only been in the House of Commons a few months, they had gathered in some of the first fruits of the harvest. The Compensation Act had come of the Committee an absolutely different measure to the one that went in, bigger and better, and one that would benefit the working people of the country more. They had their own Trades Disputes Bill carried on its second reading. For the first time in the Government departments trades union rates of wages were now being paid.  There was a great opportunity before the working classes to work out their own political and industrial salvation. They could mould the Labour party into what they desired it. There was a great future before them as a party if those outside the House would only share in the necessary enthusiasm, energy, and work. 

Mr. Anderson, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hodkinson also addressed the meeting, and the resolution was unanimously carries. 

TOWN HALL SQUARE MEETING

In the evening there was another well-attended meeting in the Market-square, presided over by Mr, J. Tennant, of the Coachmakers’ Society. 

The resolution was moved by Mr. Wall, who said the time had arrived when they in Lancaster should assert themselves and be determined that they would have Labour represented on their local bodies.

Mr. Jemmison seconded.

Mr. Wardle, M.P., in supporting, said they did not say that the old partied had not done any good, but that they had not done all the good they ought to have done. Their great feature had been that they had left undone just those very things which were of the most vital importance to the working men of the country. 

Mr. Grundy also spoke.

Mr. W. C. Anderson said that people ought to bother a little less about the Empire “on which the sun never sets” and a little more about the wages that never rose. They wanted better wages, because that meant better, healthier, and cleaner homes, and more of the good things of life. They believed that only those who rendered social service to the community were of any value to the community. They did not want idlers, either poor or rich. Referring to old-age pensions, he thought it was a damnable shame that men and women who had given their best years to the life and industry of the nation, and helped build up its wealth, greatness, and commercial prosperity, should, in their old age be flung aside on to the scrap heap to crawl into the workhouse, and be branded as paupers. If they had contributed so much to the wealth and greatness of the State, it was the duty of the State to se that a pension was set aside for them, which they could claim, not as charity, but rather as a right. As to the finding necessary money, they could tax unearned incomes, and death duties to a great extent. If only the workers would be true and loyal, and stand together, fighting on common fight in the one line of battle, there could be no question as to what was going to happen.

The resolution was carried without dissent.